What role does memory play in A Letter From an Unknown Woman and one of the other short stories by Zweig? To what ends? Possible angles to consider would be the role of the past, the effects of nostalgia, memory and confession, the faultiness of memory itself, etc.2.What role does love play in A Letter From an Unknown Woman and one of the other short stories by Zweig? To what ends? Possible angles to consider would be the pain of lost love, young/naive love, the power of first love, the nature of devotion, lust vs. love, the links between love and cruelty, etc.3.What role does class play in A Letter From an Unknown Woman and one of the other short stories by Zweig? To what ends? Possible angles to consider would be the gap between rich and poor, the impact of of economic destitution, the frivolity of wealth, etc.4.What is the function of story-telling in A Letter From an Unknown Woman and one of the other short stories by Zweig? To what ends? Possible angles to consider would be the use of letters, the links madebetween memory and fiction, stories within stories, the “storyteller” figure, the concern over capturing the real vs. imagining a fiction, etc.5.What is the role of accident and/or coincidence in A Letter From an Unknown Woman and one of the other short stories by Zweig? To what ends? Possible angles to consider would be chance meetings, mistaken identities, false impressions, missed opportunities, etc.
The socio-political scene of race has changed significantly as organized supremacist structures have been tested, disassembled, and reconsidered by increasingly evenhanded and helpful qualities. These progressions have stretched out into the administration, with an expansion in the political decision and re-appointment of officials of assorted racial and ethnic personalities, including the noteworthy appointment of Barack Obama as president. In his book Congress in Black and White, Christian Grose presents his brought together hypothesis of African American portrayal in Congress. In his work, he investigates ethnic legislative issues, and the multidimensional variables that impact authentic basic leadership in Congress. He inspects how portrayal has changed with the climb of government officials and lawmakers who have a place with verifiably minimized networks, some of whom speak to lion’s share white locale. At last, he looks to analyze how dark portrayal in Congress influences minority networks. So as to increase a total perspective on portrayal, Grose utilizes a multifaceted methodology that includes examining and looking at administrators from different kinds of locale. For instance, he investigates the verifiably new wonder of dark lawmakers speaking to dominant part white locale so as to all the more likely comprehend whether dark officials’ inclinations in pushing for dark premiums are their very own direct result race or due to the race of the supporters which they speak to. His procedure enables him to investigate the impact of both the racial cosmetics of the body electorate and the racial character of lawmakers. After utilizing this methodology, Grose finds that “the race of the administrator isn’t as substantively significant as the fundamental racial cosmetics of the supporters,” and that thusly “lawmakers speaking to dark lion’s share regions will cast a ballot for enactment substantively in light of a legitimate concern for dark Americans considerably more than officials speaking to locale without a dark greater part” (16). He looks past expressive portrayal by “breaking down late Congresses with dark officials from both dark lion’s share and dark minority locale” to increase an increasingly all encompassing and complete comprehension of dark Congressional portrayal” (Grose 17). In this way, with regards to portrayal, it is critical to take a gander at the racial cosmetics of the body electorate alongside the race of the lawmaker. Grose’s brought together hypothesis of African American portrayal in Congress can be applied to Maxine Waters, an African American congresswoman of the Democratic party who as of now serves California’s 43rd locale, in the South Los Angeles County. His hypothesis can be utilized to investigate how as an African American congresswoman, Waters keeps on bringing substantive portrayal and proactive enactment that serves and advantages the African Americans of her area, just as others of shading in her different electorate. Grose’s hypothesis of brought together portrayal holds that three contending speculations in regards to race and substantive portrayal are on the whole indicators of how delegate an administrator will be of their constituents and make a move on the issues that most influence them. As per Grose, the three indicators are: “(1) vote based agents lead to higher substantive portrayal; (2) dark administrators lead to higher substantive portrayal; and (3) the higher the dark populace of an area, the higher the substantive portrayal” (20). Maxine Waters, a Democrat, and an African American, serves a region where African Americans are the second biggest gathering after Hispanics. Maxine Waters has a long history of battling for racial equity, both broadly and abroad. In an article for the L.A. Times, Richard Paddock perceives Waters’ promise to the reason for racial equity when she created enactment planned for stripping from South Africa as a result of its politically-sanctioned racial segregation system during the 1980s. She restricted the Iraq War and censured the Republican administrations of George H. W. Hedge, George W. Shrubbery, and Donald Trump, even co-supporting H.R. 140 denouncing the arrangement of Steve Bannon to the National Security Council and requiring his expulsion. As expressed on her official site, Waters was first chosen for Congress in 1990 and has been reappointed for a considerable length of time since. Waters has served California’s 43rd region since 2013 and before this, she served California’s 35th and 29th congressional regions, which as indicated by the Census Bureau are both profoundly assorted regions. California’s 43rd region, which Maxine Waters presently speaks to, is a racially different congressional region situated in South Los Angeles County and incorporates Inglewood, Hawthorn, and Torrance. As per the U.S. Statistics Bureau’s 2016 review, out of its populace of 724,077, 47% of the locale is Hispanic, 21% African American, 15% White, and 13% Asian. Around 33% of the region’s occupants are outside conceived settlers. The locale is a blend of numerous various ethnicities, including West Indian, Sub-Saharan African, Italian, and Arab. Fanatic democratic examples in the course of the last a few decisions uncover that the 43rd area has continuously and overwhelmingly casted a ballot Democrat for Maxine Waters. As per the article “Rep. Maxine Waters (D CA-43)” on the online database InsideGov, in the 2016 political decision, Waters, the occupant, got 76% of the vote, beating Republican Omar Navarro, who got 24% of the vote. In 2014, as the officeholder she got 71% of the vote, overcoming Republican John Wood’s 29% of the vote. What’s more, in 2012, she beat Democrat Bob Flores with 71% of the vote. Waters has constantly shown a promise to substantive portrayal for African Americans as well as for Hispanics. As indicated by Grose, unmistakable portrayal for African Americans “is characterized as the appointment of dark officials to office” (3). While most of the constituents in her area are Hispanic, the second biggest gathering in her locale are African Americans. Maxine Waters has given both graphic and substantive portrayal for the non-white individuals in her locale. During her time as a Congresswoman, she has been focused on the interests of her African American constituents just as her locale’s Hispanic people group. Moreover, Waters has advocated administration in liberal political qualities, for example, supporting Planned Parenthood, the ACLU, and human rights and as indicated by GovTrack, most of the bills that Waters supports identify with Health (22%), Finance and the Financial Sector (17%), Crime and Law Enforcement (16%), and Education (10%). Neediness and lodging concerns are especially squeezing issues in Waters’ 43rd congressional region. As expressed on the site page “California’s 43rd District” by the association TalkPoverty, which is a task of Center for American Progress, in 2013, 21.4% of the populace had earnings underneath the destitution line, which included 32.6% of youngsters who originated from families with livelihoods beneath the neediness line, implying that 33% of the region’s kids live in neediness. Investigated along racial lines, 24.7% of the area’s African Americans and 26.4% of the Latino populace live in destitution. Waters has adequately worked for enactment to attempt to address the issues of her constituents. As per InsideGov, Waters supported the Ending Homeless Act of 2017 including lodging and network advancement to end vagrancy by tending to the absence of reasonable lodging and supported the Project-Based Voucher Improvement Act of 2015, which was authorized to improve the Housing Act of 1937, explicitly in connection to utilizing rental voucher help. Her record is broad with regards to tending to the issues that influence her essentially African American and Hispanic body electorate, steady with Grose’s decision that “African American lawmakers are significantly more liable to concentrate on the interests of African-American voters with regards to assigning government undertakings and voting public support of African Americans” (16). As expressed on InsideGov’s website page, “Rep. Maxine Waters (D CA-43),” Waters cosponsored a bill to investigate issues that explicitly influence dark men and young men, called HR. 1194: Commission on the Social Status of Black Men and Boys Act, and she additionally co-supported H.R. 1135 to reauthorize the Historically Black Colleges and Universities Historic Preservation program. Her help for HBCUs is in accordance with Grose’s examination that “dark delegates distribute essentially a greater number of ventures to HBCUs than white agents in regions with enormous rates of white voters” (157). Besides, Grose contends that “racial portrayal influences the allotment of tasks to dark constituents” (158). On account of Maxine Waters, it is obvious that she gives significant exertion in supporting authoritative activities that advantage her dark constituents. As a minority, she has additionally pushed for enactment in help of the non-dark non-white individuals in her region. As per InsideGov, in 2017, Waters additionally supported the Stop AIDS in Prison Act of 2017, which tried to address the absence of compelling HIV/AIDS programs in Federal detainment facilities, since minorities are disproportionally overrepresented in the jail framework. She additionally co-supported the End Racial Profiling Act of 2017, which tended to racial profiling in wrongdoing and law requirement – a critical issue for the constituents of her greater part dark and darker area and H.R. 858: DREAMers, Immigrants, and Refugees Legal Aid Act, which straightforwardly mirrors the worries of the Hispanic and Latino individuals from her voting demographic and the significant issues and battles that they face with movement strategies. It is apparent that Waters has served both as a spellbinding and substantive portrayal for African Americans which Grose characterizes substantive portrayal>GET ANSWER Let’s block ads! (Why?)